Support
Banana Workers: Bring Justice to the Table
by
Kate Mendenhall and Margaret Reeves
 |
photo by Fairtrade
Foundation
Denise Southerland,
a banana grower in St. Vincent, Winward Islands sells her
bananas through the Fairtrade Mark, available in the UK. |
Flawless bananas arrive
on breakfast tables around the world, the majority of which are
grown at the expense of the health and well being of tens of thousands
of Latin American workers. The corporate-controlled international
banana industry benefits handsomely through direct government support
and government sanctioned exploitation of its largely migrant workforce.
Pesticide use on plantation
bananas is more than 20 times greater than average pesticide use
on crops in industrialized countries, with corresponding levels
of worker pesticide exposures and illness. Banana worker unions
in Latin America have taken a lead in exposing pesticide risks on
plantations. In Ecuador, workers are engaged in a campaign that
seeks compliance with international labor standards, including the
right to organize and basic safety protections for workers. These
organizations have turned to consumers in Europe and the U.S. asking
them to buy fair trade bananas, and boycott Bonita bananas in particular.
As more consumers use their buying power to "cast a vote"
against environmentally and socially irresponsible corporate activity,
buying "justice with your bananas" may be a new way
to vote both for workers and against pesticides.
History: banana
companies eliminate labor unions
The banana plant (genus
Musa) originated in tropical regions of Asia and Africa
and was introduced to the Caribbean by Spanish colonizers. Bananas
were marketed to U.S. consumers in the late 1800s(1) and by 1899
the United Fruit Company (now Chiquita) was the largest banana trading
company in the Americas, controlling plantations throughout Latin
America.(2) "Banana Republics" became a code term for
the Central American governments beholden to the income and the
interests of United Fruit and the banana trade, which supplied bananas
largely to North America and Europe.(3)
Initially, the foreign-owned
plantations in Latin America brought in Caribbean workers because
local residents were not willing to work in the tropical forests,
where heat, malaria and other diseases created a high risk work
environment. However, as forests were razed, infrastructure and
services were improved and more jobs were created, local people
joined the banana workforce. The diversity of workers and cultures
on the plantations slowed early labor organizing but, after World
War I, as the labor movement grew around the world, unionization
developed more rapidly on banana plantations. In the 1920s and 1930s
organized strikes occurred on plantations throughout Latin America,
and by the 1950s most banana plantations in the region were unionized.(4)
After World War II, U.S.
government support for the interests of international corporations
in Latin America undermined banana worker unions. The 1954 overthrow
of the popularly elected Guatemalan President Jacob Arbenez was
attributed principally to U.S. efforts in support of the United
Fruit Company, which opposed Arbenez's plans for agrarian
reform, including redistribution of uncultivated acreage owned by
banana plantations to landless peasants.
Also in 1954. a Costa Rican
businessman named Albert Martén Chavarría, introduced
Solidarity Associations (Solidarismo in Spanish), a new form of
worker organization that became a successful union-busting program.
Solidarity Associations required fewer members than unions (12 versus
20), could invest money (unions cannot), and could make agreements
with employers on working conditions and wages that bypassed existing
unions in the workplace as well as the collective bargaining process.(5)
A Solidarity training school founded in Costa Rica during the 1970s
played a key role in establishing Solidarismo in Costa Rica and
other Latin American countries. Despite such advantages, in 1980,
93% of labor agreements in Costa Rica's principal banana-growing
Atlantic region were still collectively bargained. Only 7% were
covered under Solidarity agreements.
After two major strikes
in the Costa Rican banana industry in 1982 and 1984, the government
ratified the Tribunales de Trabajo, a system of special labor-related
courts that dissolved unions and deemed them illegal. By 1986, Solidarismo
had 70 full-time organizers and was established in all seven Costa
Rican provinces and within 90% of banana plantations supplying transnational
companies. By the fall of 1999, there remained only one Costa Rican
union with a collective bargaining agreement, the Union of Workers
of the Chiriqui Land Company (SITRACHIRI).(6)
During this time world
banana production doubled (between 1988 and 1997). In response to
global overproduction, banana companies began to cut costs and lower
prices in a "race to the bottom" as the industry systematically
closed plantations and cut jobs, wages and benefits,(7) eroding
labor rights in banana growing countries throughout Latin America.
Banana
Production on a Global Scale
Largest
Banana Exporters |
|
%
of world trade |
|
|
Ecuador 18%
Costa Rica 12%
Colombia 12%
Honduras 11%
Philippines 11%
Panama 9%
Total
73%
|
|
|
| Primary
participants in the banana export market include the three
major transnational corporations: U.S.- based Dole, Del
Monte and Chiquita. |
|
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Banana production
and pesticides
Of over 300 different varieties
of bananas, the Dwarf Cavendish is the best known and most profitable.
This seedless variety must be propagated by cutting and rooting
a section of the mature plant, making all generations genetically
identical. Thousands of plantations throughout the region grow fruit
on genetically homogenous plants making the plantations particularly
vulnerability to disease and pests.(8)
To control pest outbreaks
in large-scale banana production, particularly for export where
the market demands flawless appearance, plantations depend on high
levels of pesticide use. In Costa Rica, at least 280 different pesticides
are approved for use on bananas and an average of 44 kg/hectare/year
of active ingredients are applied to bananas, compared to the 2.7
kg/hectare/year average for crops in industrialized countries.(9)
Pesticides are applied
continuously throughout the ten-month growing season. Plantations
aerially spray fungicides in up to 40 - 60 application cycles
per season.(10) Workers use backpack sprayers to apply nematicides
two to four times a year, and herbicides such as paraquat (see box)
and glyphosate (a suspected carcinogen) eight to twelve times a
year. Fertilizers are continually applied throughout the growing
season.(11) Workers also place and remove plastic bags impregnated
with the organophosphate insecticide chlorpyrifos over the maturing
banana bunch. In the packing plant, workers cut and wash bananas
in pesticide-laden water, and apply more pesticides (including fungicides
thiabendazole, imazalil, or aluminum sulfate) to prevent "crown
rot" during transportation.(12) Finally, workers package the
bananas into boxefrequently without wearing protective gloves.(13)
This intensive use of pesticides is extremely hazardous for workers.(14)
Marvin Amador from the
Costa Rican Ecology Association and Friends of the Earth reports
that "Generally, on the banana plantations there is no adequate
control of transportation, storage, preparation, or application
of pesticides... [D]uring the process of aerial fumigation,
the workers are often in the fields or nearby homes. Areas with
surface water are also often sprayed."(15)
Accurate records of pesticide
related illness among banana workers are unavailable because, as
is the case of agricultural workers worldwide, pesticide exposures
frequently go unreported. A 2002 study of Central American pesticide
illness estimated 400,000 poisonings were likely to occur each year
in the Central American region, with nearly 5% of workers exposed
to pesticides experiencing symptoms of poisoning.(16)
Studies conducted by the
National University in Heredia, Costa Rica reveal that rates of
pesticide poisonings are three times higher in banana regions than
in the rest of the country. Increased incidence of sterility and
cancers were also found among banana workers.(17) Other common illnesses
likely related to pesticide exposure are allergies and pulmonary
ailments. In a well-documented case, thousands of Latin American
banana workers were sterilized as a result of exposure to the nematicide
Nemagon (dibromochloropropane -- DBCP).
Paraquat
is the world's most acutely toxic and one of the best
selling pesticides. The broad spectrum herbicide is used extensively
on plantations and small farms, applied to bananas, cocoa,
coffee, cotton, palm oil, pineapple, rubber and sugar cane.(1)
All are crops grown in tropical climates where the waterproof
clothing needed for protection is stifling and impractical.
Yet such protection is crucial to protect workers from this
highly toxic herbicide for which there is no known antidote.
Paraquat use in Latin
America causes hundreds of injuries each year, more than a
quarter of all Costa Rican pesticide poisoning incidents reported
between 1995 and 1997 involved paraquat. Of herbicide-related
illnesses in Costa Rica in 1996 for which compounds were specified,
71% involved paraquat.(2)
On Costa Rican banana
plantations sprayers use the equivalent of 65 kg of pesticides
per worker per year, and poisonings are rife. After an ecolabelling
program was begun in 1993, a 40% decrease of paraquat occurred.(3)
Less than one teaspoon
of paraquat, if ingested, is fatal. Skin contact alone can
cause systemic damage. Even at very low levels of exposure,
paraquat can cause, among other symptoms, severe dermatitis,
second degree burns, a rash all over the body, and discolored
or itching hands. Paraquat's extreme toxicity makes
protective clothing such as rubber aprons, rubber gloves,
full face shields and rubber boot coverings essential for
mixers and applicators.(4)
Paraquat is manufactured
by Syngenta as Gramoxone in more than 100 countries,(5) and
was targeted as early as 1985 on Pesticide Action Network's
"Dirty Dozen" list of pesticides.
Since 2000, an international
campaign to ban the controversial herbicide has been underway,
with Foro Emaús, and trade unions in Costa Rica, Germany
and France launching a special effort to ban the use of paraquat
on banana plantations throughout Latin America."(6)
Eleven countries have banned or severely restricted paraquat,
however, in October 2003, the European Union decided not to
restrict sales, eventhough it has been banned in four nations
within the EU.(7)
Chiquita and the Fair
Trade Organizations have already banned paraquat in their
banana production. A variety of techniques including crop
rotation, mulching, intercropping, and planting cover crops
are effectively employed for sustainable non-chemical weed
control.(8)
Notes
- Press Release,
PAN International, December 3, 2003.
- Wesseling, 2001.
- Time to Phase
Out Paraquat, Syngenta's Controversial Pesticide,
Press Release, April 22, 2002, Berne Foundation, PAN UK,
PAN Asia/Pacific, Foro Emaús, Swedish Society for
Nature Conservation.
- PANUPS, Action
Alert: Call on Syngenta to Stop Production of Paraquat October
1, 2002.
- Stop Paraquat,
Press Release,a Dec 3, 2003, Joint 2003
- PAN UK, 2002.
- EU says "No"
to Atrazine, But Not to Paraquat, PANUPS, October 24, 2003
- J. Mandeley, Paraquat
-Syngentas Controversial Herbicide, Berne Declaration, Swedish
Society for Nature Conservation, PAN UK, PAN Asia/Pacific,
Foro Emaús. April 2002. p. 19.
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Environmental and
social costs of banana production
Aerial spraying and pesticide
runoff contaminate water used by workers, their families and nearby
communities. Pesticide use has been responsible for massive fish
kills, destroying an important food source and devastating surrounding
ecosystems. In some areas, soil has become so infused with pesticides
that it is now unfit for agriculture.
A 1993 - 1996 study
on Costa Rica's Suerte River (which flows into Tortuguero
National Park) examined the drainage ditches, packing plant effluent,
near-by streams and the Suerte River for 11 pesticides used in banana
production. "Fifty six percent of the water samples taken
in Tortuguero contained propiconazole, which is moderately toxic
for fish and fairly toxic for birds, and 25% of the samples showed
a nematicide, either cadusafos or terbufos. Cadusafos is prohibited
in Germany because of its high level of toxicity."(18)
As banana plantations have
increased production, extensive forests, wildlife habitat and pasturelands
have been razed to make way for bananas. In Costa Rica, the government
has assisted this process by changing land use classifications to
allow plantation production. From 1979 to 1992, banana expansion
was responsible for deforestation of over 50,000 hectares of primary
and secondary forest in Costa Rica's Limon Province.(19) Banana
companies in the process of expansion pressure peasant farmers living
on the plantation periphery to sell their lands. Farmers that resist
are denied production supports such as credit, agricultural extension
services and markets for their products. Farmers are also prohibited
from producing traditional creole bananas in an attempt to avoid
spread of the banana fungal disease Micosphaerella fijensis
(Black Sigatoka). In these circumstances it is no surprise that
many of these independent farmers become wage laborers on banana
plantations.
A shortage of jobs and
weakened or non-existent unions foster a climate of insecurity on
banana plantations, where workers are vulnerable to exploitation
and afraid to participate in union organizing. Job insecurity is
exacerbated by industry practices such as subcontracting day laborers,
extending the work day, eliminating collective agreements, unjustified
firings (including for suspicion of union sympathy), contracting
by piecework to avoid minimum hourly wages, and laying off workers
before the end of the three-month trial period after which employers
must provide benefits.(20) Workers are forced into a transient lifestyle
where family stability is difficult to maintain. Job insecurity
and poverty are frequently accompanied by malnutrition and poor
health, which are exacerbated by a higher frequency of neurological
and developmental problems among workers' children -- associated
with exposures to pesticides in air, food and water. Poor health
together with limited access to schools results in inadequate academic
achievement among plantation children compared to their urban counterparts.(21)
In this way, future generations face the same fate as their parents
and the cycle persists.
DBCP
(dibromochloropropane) was first produced in the late 1950s
by Dow Chemical (as Fumazone) and Shell (as Nemagon), which
conducted toxicity tests before U.S. registration. Those early
tests revealed reduced sperm counts and atrophied testicles
of rabbits and monkeys exposed to DBCP. Neither Dow nor Shell
revealed test results to government regulators. In 1964, DBCP
was approved for use in the U.S., and the companies proceeded
to market the pesticide but did not divulge its full toxicity
(including birth defects and damage to liver and kidneys)
or recommend protective clothing. In 1977, workers at Occidental
Petroleum, a DBCP manufacturing plant in California, were
sterilized by exposure to the pesticide, leading to a permanent
U.S. ban in 1979. However, the nematocide continued to be
used on banana plantations in Central America as late as 1985.(1)
The U.S.-based multinational
banana companies, including Standard Fruit, began using DBCP
to combat burrowing root nematodes in the late 1960s. They
were the largest users of DBCP in Central America. DPCP use
on bananas far exceeded uses on other crops, between 1966
and 1978, more than five million kilograms were imported in
Costa Rica, from the United States, mainly for banana production.(2)
In the early 1990s,
more than 16,000 banana plantation workers from Costa Rica,
Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and the Philippines
filed a class-action lawsuit in Texas against a number of
U.S. fruit and chemical companies for compensation for permanent
sterility linked to DBCP. In 1997, all of the companies (Shell
Oil, Dow Chemical and Occidental Chemical, Del Monte Fresh
Produce and Chiquita Brands International) except Dole settled,
agreeing to pay $41 million. After attorney fees were deducted,
workers received an average of $1500 each. An earlier 1992
settlement in Costa Rica netted $20 million for 1000 workers.(3)
Tens of thousands
of banana workers still have suits pending in courts in Central
America, the Philippines and the U.S. In these cases the companies
have consistently pled forum non conveniens (Latin for inconvenient
forum) arguing that cases should be heard in the country where
the purported injuries occurred. International corporate defendants
have successfully used this legal doctrine to escape liability
claims in U.S. courts.(4)
A special issue of
the International Journal of Occupational and Environmental
Health in 1999 included papers from symposium on DBCP
and worker sterility. (IJOEH, Vol 5, No 2, April/June 1999
at http://www.ijoeh.com)
or contact PANNA for a copy.
Notes
- Banana Workers
Get Day in Court, New York Times, January 18, 2003.
- Direct Damage,
DPCP Poisoning in Costa Rica, Dirty Dozen Campaigner,
PAN North America, San Francisco, May 1989.
- New York Times,
January 18, 2003.
- "Banana Workers
Win Against Dow, Shell & Standard Fruit" PANUPS,
January 6, 2003.
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Guatemalan banana
workers face repression
In 1999, the Guatemalan
banana workers' union, SITRABI (Sindicato de Trabajadores
Bananeros de Izabal) reported that over 900 banana workers on the
Bobos plantations were illegally fired and some workers were attacked
in response to plans for a union walkout. Union workers were replaced
by non-union workers who were paid less and received no benefits.
Del Monte, the international corporation marketing Bobos bananas,
was implicated in the attacks on workers. More than a year later,
after enormous international pressure, the Guatemalan government
brought the attackers to trial, resulting in the first convictions
in modern Guatemalan history for violence against trade unionists.
However, the attackers were allowed to pay fines instead of going
to jail and unionists who spoke at the trial faced retribution and
were forced into exile. Union members continue to be at risk.(22)
Ecuador banana workers
campaign to improve working conditions
In recent years Ecuador
surpassed Costa Rica as the largest banana exporter in the world,
with an industry almost completely non-union and some of the region's
worst working conditions and wages. The Ecuadorian-based company
Noboa is the world's fourth largest banana company and owner
of the Bonita brand.(23)
Workers on Noboa's
Los Alamos plantations have been organizing for freedom of association
as well as better wages, benefits and working conditions for over
a year. They have also called on international allies to urge reforms
in Ecuadorian labor law to comply with international standards,
and to protect rights to organize and to collective bargaining.
The campaign began after workers filed a request for contract negotiations
that was approved by the Ecuadorian Labor Ministry. In response,
Alvaro Noboa immediately fired all workers who signed the petition.
On May 6, 2002, workers went on strike. Ten days later hundreds
of Noboa's hired thugs attempted to violently evict the striking
workers, injuring two dozen.(24)
Consumers called
on to support Ecuadorian banana workers
As a top banana exporter,
Ecuador's low wages weaken the position of unionized agricultural
workers throughout Latin America as well as contract growers in
the Caribbean. The National Federation of Free Peasants and Indigenous
People of Ecuador (FENACLE), organizing workers on Alvaro Noboa's
banana plantations, has called for a boycott of Bonita bananas.
The boycott is an effective
way for consumers to both take action against hazardous pesticides
and support collective bargaining. In the U.S., the United Farm
Workers of America, AFL-CIO (UFW) led successful boycotts for head
lettuce (1969 - 78) and table grapes (1965, 1973, 1987), both
efforts spurred the first restrictions on the use of DDT, and laid
the groundwork for a complete U.S. ban in 1972. The U.S. Farm Labor
Organizing Committee led a boycott of Campbell Soup Company (major
purchaser of tomatoes grown in the Midwest states) resulting in
precedent-setting three-way negotiations among workers, growers
and the corporations to whom the growers are contracted. In all
three boycotts, issues of pesticide exposure and worker safety were
central.
The U.S. Labor Education
in the Americas Project (US/LEAP) is asking U.S. consumers to support
the boycott by contacting the supermarket chain Costco, a major
buyer of Bonita bananas, to request that the company find another
supplier (the boycott applies to Bonita organic bananas as well).
In addition to your request of Costco, please ask other local supermarkets
to purchase something other than Bonita until the boycott ends.
Growing support
fair trade bananas
Fair Trade Labeling Organizations
International (FLO) has developed general standards which address
both the environmental impact of production and fair conditions
of trade. The fair trade label generally contracts with small growers
or cooperatives to ensure a minimum price that covers at least the
cost of sustainable production and provides a living wage. In addition,
the label pays a fair trade premium, which is invested in the growers'
communities for social and environmental development.(25) Because
there are many certifying organizations with various standards,
the FLO labeling, with its independent oversight and its community
building efforts, is considered by many to be the "gold standard"
of label certification.
Fair trade bananas are
available in many European markets; almost 25% of all bananas sold
in the United Kingdom and Switzerland are fair trade.(26) Although
harder to find than in Europe, fairly traded bananas are also growing
in popularity in the U.S. For example, in January 2004, Wild Oats
Markets (a U.S. grocery chain selling natural and organic foods
in 24 states) announced it would sell independently certified fair
trade bananas in 70 of its 102 stores with plans to supply all of
its stores by the end of 2004.(27)
In response to growing consumer
demand, some top banana companies have incorporated some aspects
of the fair trade standards on a portion of their plantations. Chiquita
Brands reports nearly half of their bananas meet the fair trade
guidelines of Social Accountability International, a group that
certifies workplaces as humane. Dole has made plans with the FLO
to certify some fair trade bananas sold in Europe, if not yet in
the U.S.
Purchasing fair trade bananas
sends a powerful statement to producing companies and supports small
banana growers. To find out where you can buy certified fair trade
bananas and other fruits, visit the TransFair USA website at http://www.fairtradecertified.org.
Kate Mendenhall is a
Intern and Margaret Reeves is a Senior Scientist at PANNA.
US/LEAP's
Suggested Action
1. Contact
Costco
Ask the company to stop buying Bonita bananas from the
Noboa Company and find another supplier, one that respects
workers' rights and complies with labor laws. Please
send your request to: |
Mr.
James D. Sinegal, CEO
Costco Wholesale Corporation
999 Lake Drive
Issaquah, WA 98027
Tel 425-313-8100
Fax 425-313-8103 |
|
2.
Find Bonita bananas
If you see Bonita bananas being sold elsewhere, a) ask
the grocer to stop buying Bonita bananas, and b) let
US/LEAP know of the store. Contact Alison Paul at 773-262-6502
or apaul@usleap.org.
For more
information regarding the boycott visit http://www.usleap.org/Banana/bananatemp.html. |
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Notes
- Foro Emaús, 10
Years of existence of Foro Emaús: The struggle continues.
(Limón, Costa Rica: Siquirres, 2002), p. 40.
- S. May and G. Plaza,
The United Fruit Company in America National Planning Association,
Arno Press, 1976, p 6-7.
- Ibid., p. 8.
- D. Kepner Jr. and J.
Soothill, The Banana Empire: A Case of Economic Imperialism, New
York: Russell & Russell, 1935, 322.
- Canada-Costa Rica Agreement
on Labour Cooperation (CCRALC) "Labour Law in Costa Rica,"
Unpublished document, p. 22, http://labour.hrdc-drhc.gc.ca/pdf/pdf_e/labour_law.pdf,
March 3, 2004.
- Foro Emaús, 2002,
p. 71.
- U.S. Labor Education
in the Americas Project (US/LEAP) website, "Banana Worker
Campaigns," http://www.usleap.org/Banana/bananatemp.html.
March 3, 2004.
- Banana Link website,
"Human and Environmental Costs," http://www.bananalink.org.uk/impact/impact.htm,
November, 6 2003.
- Foro Emaus, 2002.
- C. Wesseling, B. van
Wendel de Joode and P. Monge, "Pesticide-related illness
among banana workers in Costa Rica: A comparison between 1993
and 1996," Int J Occup Environ Health 2001, 7:
90-7.
- C. Martin, "Bananas -- The
Facts," New Internationalist, October 1999, Issue 317, http://www.newint.org/issue317/facts.htm,
March 3, 2004.
- Ibid.
- M. Gallagher and C.
McWhirter, "Chiquita SECRETS Revealed," Cincinnati
Enquirer, May 3, 1998, http://www.mindfully.org/Pesticide/chiquita/chiquita11.htm,
March 3, 2004.
- Banana Link, 2003.
- Foro Emaús, 2002,
p. 110.
- Murray, D. et al., Surveillance
of Pesticide-relted Illness in the Developing World: Putting the
Data to work, International Journal of Occupational and Environmental
Health, July/Sept 2002, Vol. 8 No 3.
- Ibid.
- Ibid.
- Foro Emaús, 2003.
- Foro Emaús, 2002,
p. 34, 70. International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant,
Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers' Associations (IUF),
"Tainted Harvest' - Human Rights Watch Report Reveals
Child Labour and Worker Rights Abuses in Ecuador's Banana
Fields" Posted, 25-Apr-2002. http://www.iuf.org/cgi-bin/dbman/db.cgi?db=default&uid=default&ID=296&view_records=1&ww=1&en=1
- Foro Emaús, "Bananas
for the World -- And the Negative Consequences for Costa Rica?"
http://members.tripod.com/foro_emaus/2ing.html)
6 November 2003.
- Ibid.
- US/LEAP.
- Ibid.
- Fair Trade Labeling
Organizations International (FLO) website, www.fairtrade.net.
- B. Horovitz, "Market
to sell certified Fair Trade bananas: Such socially conscious
retailing on the increase," USA Today; 21 January
2004; pg. B.02.
- Ibid.
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